Besides
repairing the physical damage to their holdings and recouping the
financial losses of property, including slave property, planters who
wished to resume operations of sugar plantations had to deal for the
first time with a labor supply that was not enslaved. Before labor could
be hired, many obstacles had to be overcome, not least of which was the
complete lack of trust exhibited on both sides in the bargaining.
Nevertheless, by 1869 planters in St. Mary Parish were hiring workers at
$15.00 to $20.00 a month for first class hands, with cabin, rations, and
wood included in the bargain (Sitterson 1953:244). As might be expected,
the cabins, originally slave quarters, were insubstantial structures.
William T. Palfrey had a carpenter build some at Ricohoc in the 1850s
for $25.00 each (Sitterson 1953:67).
The political situation in
occupied Louisiana was unstable, and this was particularly true in St.
Mary Parish, where newly enfranchised blacks outnumbered whites three to
one. At the first parish election in 1868, a sheriff and a parish judge
were elected. Both were black and both subsequently were murdered
(Broussard and Broussard 1955:17).
In 1869, when Bouchereau
resumed the chronicle of the sugar crops which Champomier had written in
the antebellum period, only four plantations were operating in the
project vicinity; Fairfax, Grandwood, the Cornay’s Radiviile, and Joseph
Charpentier’s former property, then under the proprietorship of Dr. H.
N. Sanders (Figure 8).
Judge Baker, who for the first six
months of 1868 was governor of Louisiana, had resumed planting on both
the right and left banks of Fairfax Plantation. He was using steam
trains and open pans in his sugar house, which was constructed of brick
with a slate roof. The last recorded production at Fairfax Plantation,
under Dr. Bisland’s ownership in 1862, had been 565 hogsheads. Judge
Baker's yield of 1869 was 205 hogsheads of sugar (L. Bouchereau
1869:42). After financial reverses. Judge Baker in 1874 gave up Fairfax
Plantation. He became state engineer in 1875 and afterward retired to
live with his daughter in Connecticut (Conrad 1988:31). A succession of
proprietors assumed planting at Fairfax Plantation, but no major changes
in the operation of the plantation occurred before 1880.
Mrs.
Meade's upper tract was especially slow in resuming planting after the
Civil War, during which her sugar house had been destroyed. Before the
war, Mrs. Meade had planted her upper tract on the left bank only. After
the war, her upper tract was worked on the right bank only, outside the
project area. Under a new proprietor, who named the plantation Mound
Place, some cane was harvested in 1871, but not until 1876 was a new
wooden sugar house built. It used steam and kettles (L. Bouchereau
1877:76). Subsequent operations at the plantation can be briefly
summarized. It remained independent if not prosperous for many years. In
the 1890s, Mound Place abandoned sugar manufacture and became a cane
plantation only. By 1920, it had become part of the Shadyside Company.
In 1869, Grandwood Plantation (Bethel’s upper plantation) was
once again operating on both the right and left banks of the Teche.
Steam and kettles were used in the sugar house, which was constructed of
brick with a shingle roof. It was on '.he right bank of the Teche.
Grandwood Plantation's yield of 1862 had been 480 hogsheads. The output
of 1869 was 367 hogsheads (L. Bouchereau 1869:42). By 1870, Pinckney C.
Bethel also had resumed operations at his lower tract. Live Oak Grove
Plantation. He did not rebuild his destroyed sugar house at the lower
plantation but continued to use his brick sugar house at Grandwood. Both
Grandwood and Live Oak Grove passed from his proprietorship in the late
1870s, but no major changes in the operation of the plantations took
place by 1880.
Below Bethel’s establishment was the plantation
of the Cornay family, who spelled their surname very erratically.
Bouchereau listed them as Cornet. Whatever the spelling, this family
also once again was planting on both banks of the bayou by 1869, but
they had abandoned sugar for rice. Their sugar house and their residence
had been destroyed in the Civil War. Using horse power in their wooden
rice mill, they produced 60 barrels of rice in 1869 (L. Bouchereau
1869:42). In the next season, the Cornays resumed sugar production on
the left bank and replaced their wooden rice mill on the right bank with
a brick, shingle-roofed mill.
In 1871, Daniel Thompson, a
successful businessman from Chicago, acquired Radiville Plantation from
the Cornays and renamed it Calumet. Thompson immediately converted the
mill from steam and kettles to the use of steam and open pans, and by
1880, he had adapted the same structure to the use of steam kettles,
vacuum pans, and centrifugals (L Bouchereau 1871:54; 1872:52; A.
Bouchereau 1881:18).
Known in the postbellum era as Avalon
Plantation, the Fuselier establishment on the left bank also was slow to
recover from the war. Fuselier’s dwelling had been destroyed in the
conflict, and planting did not resume until 1869, when Pinckney C.
Bethel tried operating the tract. At that time, there was a wooden sugar
house which used steam and kettles (L. Bouchereau 1870:67). This
structure is depicted on the left bank of the Teche in Howell’s chart of
1870 (Figures 11 and 12). The following year, the property was acquired
by Joseph H. Acklen, a rich young Tennessee Unionist who had sat out the
Civil War. Acklen consolidated his holdings on the Teche and acquired
the former property of the Widow Stanley on the right bank and the
holdings of Duguy on the left bank. Since neither of these tracts had a
postbellum sugar house, Acklen used the Fuselier sugar house in the
project area without modification. He made no agricultural innovations
on the plantation, but he was an important figure in the politics of
Reconstruction in Louisiana. As a Democrat, he successfully contested
the Republican candidate for Congress in 1878 and won a seat in the
House of Representatives. At that time, he gave up his planting
operations in the project area (Conrad 1988:4). Successive owners
modified the sugar house apparatus at Avalon, but they used the same
wooden structure for many years to come.
After the Civil War,
Dr. Henry J. Sanders acquired Mrs. Meade’s lower plantation on the left
bank and began operations there in 1870. Although his name is
incorrectly spelled "Saunders," his house is shown on the left bank in
Howell’s chart of that year (Figure 11). At that time, he had a brick,
slate roofed sugar house which is depicted in Howell’s chart downstream
on the left bank from Sanders’ dwelling. Sanders named his holdings
Luckland Plantation (Figure 13). By 1880, he had absorbed Joseph
Charpentier’s antebellum holdings into Luckland.
Thomas
Wilcoxon's place, the next downstream and on the left and right banks of
the bayou, was slow to recuperate from the Civil War. Wilcoxon’s
dwelling and his sugar house were destroyed during the conflict.
Nevertheless, Wilcoxon built a wooden, horse powered sugar house and he
was able to produce 93 hogsheads of sugar in 1871 (L Bouchereau
1871:54). In 1872, G. G. Zenor acquired the Wilcoxon place, converted
the wooden mill from horse to steam power, and renamed the tract Moro
Plantation.
The Zenor family had an important influence on the project
area after the Civil War. They originally were from Kentucky but
migrated to the Natchez region, where G. G. Zenor was born and finished
high school. After helping his father plant in Concordia Parish,
Louisiana, Zenor moved in 1868 to St. Mary Parish, his wife’s home. The
couple had three sons; Webb, Oscar, and George (Perrin 1891:388). Oscar
in particular was to become a leading planter and sugar manufacturer in
the project vicinity, and Moro Plantation was to be the nucleus of the
family’s expanding operations for many years to come.
The
plantation of Richard Lynch was the point where the bayou joins the
Atchafalaya. It also was slow to recover from the Civil War. His sugar
house had been destroyed. Lynch died soon after the war, but his heirs
rebuilt the wooden sugar house in 1870, in approximately the same
location. It is shown in Howell’s chart of that year (Figure 11).
Nevertheless, the Lynch heirs produced only 26 hogsheads in their first
postwar endeavor of 1871, and 18 hogsheads in 1872, as compared to 349
in the invasion year (L. Bouchereau 1871:54; 1872:52)). In consequence,
the heirs in 1872 sold their plantation to the Zenor family, who
incorporated Lynch’s Point into their newly created Moro Plantation. In
1873, the rebuilt sugar house at Wilcoxon’s former holdings, the upper
part of Moro Plantation, again was destroyed (L. Bouchereau 1874:70).
The Zenors, therefore, used the Lynch sugar house at the lower tract of
Moro Plantation until 1880. Thereafter, they transferred sugar
production to River Side, a Zenor family holding outside the project
area on the river below Patterson.
Following the Civil War, plantations along the Teche slowly
recovered, and regular commercial utilization of the river resumed.
Steamers, packet boats, and barges plied the bayou transporting
passengers and cargo between the Attakapas region and the railroad at
Brashear City. Obstructions placed in the bayou during the Civil War,
along with remains of destroyed wharves and bridges, and accumulation of
debris such as live oak trees, continued to inhibit navigation, damaging
and sinking many vessels.
Captain E. B. Trinidad, of the U.S.
Mail steamer Warren Bell, was so concerned about the safety of the Teche
waterway that in 1868 he prepared a sketch of Bayou Teche which depicted
41 obstructions to navigation within the bayou (Figure 14). He also
requested that these obstructions be removed. While many consisted of
trees within and overhanging the bayou, the majority were sunken
vessels, most of which Trinidad named. In 1870, the Warren Bell itself
sank in the Teche after it hit a shallow underwater obstruction.
In response to the need for a cleared channel,
legislation was passed in 1870 directing the U.S. Army Corps of
Engineers to survey Bayou Teche, from its mouth to River Mile 75.5, for
obstructions, and to prepare a cost estimate for removing these
obstructions. The resultant survey was conducted in May 1870 by Major
C.W. Howell, of the Corps of Engineers (Figure 11). The obstructions
within the channel subsequently were removed (U.S. Army Corps of
Engineers 1870, 1915).
Throughout the 1870s, waterborne commerce
c.. the Teche continued to expand. By 1884, Major Stickney, of the Corps
of Engineers, wrote:
The commerce of the Teche is considerable, and is probably greater than that of any stream of the same length in Louisiana. The lands bordering the bayou are rich and are all under cultivation, principally in sugar cane. It may be said to be the center of the sugar industry in the State. Cotton, cattle, hides, wool, moss, lumber, &c-, are also produced in quantities. The trade supports a line of steamers which make regular trips to New Orleans about three times in two weeks, besides steamers which make daily trips to Morgan City and other small steamers in local trade (U.S. Army Corps of Engineers 1884:1273).
However, the importance of riverine transportation was undermined in the late nineteenth century. In 1869, Charles Morgan purchased the bankrupt New Orleans, Opelousas and Great Western Railroad Company, and changed its name to Morgan’s Louisiana and Texas Railroad. While extension of the railroad started slowly, by 1880, Morgan had extended the railroad from Morgan City to Houston (Millet 1983).
Extracted 24 Jun 2020 by Norma Hass from "Historical and Archeological Investigations of Fort Bisland and Lower Bayou Teche, St. Mary Parish, Louisiana" by Defense Technical Information Center, published 02 Jun 1991, pages 45-105.
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